The main purpose of this paper is to show that anaphors can be exempt from locality constraint. A major point to note is that caki ‘self’ corefers with its antecedent through intended reference, whereas ku-casin ‘he-self’ and caki-casin ‘self-self’ corefer with their antecedent through reference inheritance. A further point to note is that the Korean reflexives caki ‘self’ and ne-casin ‘yourself’ can be exempt since they has their own reference. Thus, caki ‘self’ and ne-casin ‘yourself’ behave in the same way regarding the logophoric use. It is worth noting that in the case of intentional expressions, their argument has the feature of [+agent] like the nominative agent John, so reference tracking is easy. It is interesting to note, on the other hand, that in the case of non-intentional expressions, their argument has [-agent], so reference tracking is not easy. For this reason, non-intentional expressions require demonstratives. More specifically, intentional expressions such as according to and in his opinion permit anaphor binding, whereas non-intentional expressions such as speaking of and when it comes to permit only demonstrative binding.